What qualitative research design is often done through direct observation interviews and archival research?

Qualitative Methods

Qualitative research methods are most appropriate in situations in which little is known about a phenomenon or when attempts are being made to generate new theories or revise preexisting theories. Qualitative research is inductive rather than deductive and is used to describe phenomena in detail, without answering questions of causality or demonstrating clear relationships among variables. Researchers in DBP should be familiar with common ethnographic methods, such as participant observation (useful for studying interactions and behavior), ethnographic interviewing (useful for studying personal experiences and perspectives), and focus groups (involving moderated discussion to glean information about a specific area of interest relatively rapidly). In comparison with quantitative research, qualitative methods entail different sampling procedures (e.g., purposive rather than random or consecutive sampling; “snow-balling,” which involves identifying cases with connections to other cases), different sample size requirements (e.g., the researcher may sample and analyze in an iterative manner until data saturation occurs, so that no new themes or hypotheses are generated on subsequent analysis), different data management and analytic techniques (e.g., reduction of data to key themes and ideas, which are then coded and organized into domains that yield tentative impressions and hypotheses, which serve as the basis of the next set of data collection, continuing until data saturation occurs and final concepts are generated), and different conventions for writing up and presenting data and analyses. The strength of the findings is maximized through triangulation of data, investigator (e.g., use of researchers from different disciplines and perspectives or several researchers to independently code the same data), theory (i.e., use of multiple perspectives), or method (e.g., use of focus groups and individual interviews to obtain complementary data).

Mixed-Methods Approach

Qualitative research methods can be useful in providing in-depth information to understand target behaviors. Temporally they can be used either at a single data time-point (i.e., interviews/focus groups conducted only once with the target population to understand the target behavior at the start of the intervention design process) or in an iterative data collection approach over multiple time-points during this phase to understand the behavioral patterns of target behaviors that are likely to fluctuate regularly, particularly when there is the risk of relapse (i.e., smokers during cessation, weight loss through dieting).

However, using a mixed-methods approach to combine both qualitative and quantitative empirical data from the target population have some advantages. Primarily, the combined strengths of both qualitative and quantitative approaches offers the most optimal methodology to build a fuller insight into the target behavior and the target population; quantitative approaches can reveal the attitudes, beliefs, and experiences; qualitative techniques allow enquiry into how and why people do or do not engage and adhere. As such a combined approach can provide an in-depth understanding of the target behavior that might be missed through using only a single data collection method. Mixed methodology also enables verification of the research findings through comparison across multiple sources, and can mutually dilute the biases or weaknesses of different data collection methods (Creswell, 2014). Researchers already familiar with conducting behavioral mapping studies will know the importance of triangulating the data in this way to ensure that all of the nuances that characterize the natural, (i.e., preintervention) behavioral patterns of the target population are captured, and ensure the data is valid and reliable in order to give a sufficiently detailed representation of the target behavior.

Data Collection Methods

Process evaluation usually employs primarily qualitative research methods. It includes observation of both informal and formal activities and patterns during program implementation. Process evaluation data may be derived from a range of sources. Program personnel and members of the target population are key sources of information for process evaluation. Structured, formal interviews with program administrators and clients can provide valuable information about program processes. Open-ended interviews and informal conversations can also provide critically important information for the process evaluation. It is important to interview both program personnel and members of the target population to obtain their respective perspectives on how the program is actually operating. Moreover, external actors with expertise on a given program, such as journalists, community members, and university professors, might be interviewed. Interviews may be face-to-face or over the telephone. Process evaluators might also administer questionnaires to program personnel and clients. For example, the process evaluator might secure the cooperation of the program administrators to ensure that each time program personnel are in contact with a client about program delivery, the client is asked to complete a questionnaire for the process evaluation.

Other data sources for process evaluation include program records (e.g., the volume of program pamphlets distributed, the venues in which they were distributed, the number of queries received in response, and the average time frame for responding to such queries), meeting schedules, meeting minutes, e-mail communications, and formal and informal direct observations of program dynamics.

Skilled process evaluators take care to engage in triangulation, whereby research findings are based on multiple perspectives. Process evaluators seek information and perspectives from knowledgeable sources located inside and outside of the program.

3.06.2.5 Observational and Participatory Studies

Broadly defined, ethnography is a qualitative research method consisting of the observation, in-depth analysis, and thick description of a group of people, their culture, and their way of life (Atkinson and Hammersley, 1994). Whereas the case study focuses on a single case, ethnographic studies use the group or community as their unit of analysis. Through fieldwork and participant observation ethnographers explore the nature and meaning-making of the group's lived experiences as these occur in “real life” settings, that is, in participants' natural environment. A large part of fieldwork - i.e., working directly in the field - consists in participant observation, a method of data collection where the researcher immerses herself into participants' cultural environment and collects unstructured data through direct observation (e.g., taking notes, audio-recording) and intensive involvement in community life (e.g., participation in social gatherings and cultural events). As illustrated by Keys et al. (2012) ethnographic study discussed earlier, ethnographies commonly include multiple individual in-depth interviews as well as focus groups with various community members and stakeholders. Additionally, information of interest to the researcher may be gathered using a range of other methods, both qualitative and quantitative (e.g., surveys, archival and official records; Atkinson and Hammersley, 1994). In order to collect comprehensive and rich data, ethnographies require prolonged engagement and typically represent investments that last between 6 months and 2 years, with some lasting much longer (Suzuki et al., 2005).

Participatory research is an umbrella term for action-oriented research methods ranging from direct-observation, ethnography, interviews, focus groups, surveys, community-based programs, and various novel strategies. Participatory research emerged as a critique and reaction to the hegemony of positivism and its application among historically oppressed and marginalized populations that have been denied participation in the production of knowledge, including knowledge about them (e.g., non-Western and developing countries, ethnic minorities, immigrant populations; Van der Riet and Boettiger, 2009; Van Vlaenderen and Neves, 2004). In participatory research researchers take a political and activist stance, and conduct research with the goal of generating social change through the emancipation, or “liberation,” of those who have been historically oppressed (Ponterotto, 2005).

One of the main goals of participatory research is to shift the inherent power dynamics between researcher (i.e., expert) and participants. This is achieved by (1) having several members of the community take an active role in the entire research process (i.e., project design and management), and (2) providing opportunities for all community members to express their viewpoints regarding the research process and outcomes (Chambers, 1994; Van der Riet and Boettiger, 2009). Another aim of participatory research is to empower research participants by allowing them to take control of the production of knowledge, this in terms of how their sociocultural world, realities, and perspectives are studied and presented to the outside world (Van der Riet and Boettiger, 2009). The rationale behind this approach is that, by allowing participants to take an active role in the research process and outcome, they will develop critical consciousness about the forces that have shaped their socioeconomic realities (Freire, 1997; Miller, 1997). Critical consciousness may then enable participants and their communities to take action toward regaining control over certain aspects of their lives and development (i.e., social change; Miller, 1997; Van der Riet and Boettiger, 2009)

The above provides a brief overview of ethnography and participatory research, as both approaches commonly use the qualitative methods of data collection and analysis described in this article. However, a more comprehensive description of the two approaches is beyond the scope of this article, especially since both are rather rare in Clinical Psychology. The lengthy and time-consuming nature of ethnography and participatory research, along with the level of prolonged contact they require, does not readily lend itself to the demands of contemporaneous Clinical Psychology scholarship. Nevertheless, those working with members of ethnoculturally, underrepresented, or marginalized groups may greatly benefit from incorporating ethnographically or action-oriented informed research methods in their studies (Suzuki et al., 2005). Ethnographically or action-oriented research may also inform clinical practitioners in ways likely to improve meeting the needs of diverse client-populations (for example see Hall, 2011, below).

1.4 Urban Studies Research Methodology

Urban studies scholars employ both quantitative and qualitative research methods, primarily from the social sciences. Scholarly writing about how to do urban studies research is sometimes explicit; often implicit in the methodologies urban studies scholars have actually employed in their research.

Training in applied statistics is a regular part of most urban studies curricula. Urban studies students are trained to use computerized statistical packages to do quantitative analysis. Because many urban phenomena have a spatial dimension geographical information systems (GIS) software is increasingly important in urban studies education and practice.

Urban studies scholars also employ qualitative methods. William Whyte's study of how people use urban parks and plazas is a notable example of observation. Urban anthropologist Oscar Lewis conducted exhaustive field research. Sam Bass Warner did archival research on the records of ordinary developers of ordinary Boston streetcar suburbs. Planner John Forester conducted interviews of dozens of urban planners to understand planning in the face of conflict. Urban studies research often employs both quantitative and qualitative research methods to triangulate on the object of study.

Methods of Research

The study employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods using a structured questionnaire which includes both open- and close-ended questions. Academic institutions and their libraries in India are numerous when considering a sample for any research. Therefore only central university libraries were included in this study, keeping in mind that these are funded by the central government and might have advanced library infrastructure and facilities. Of the total of 42 central university libraries in India, we chose 30 libraries on the basis of collections, infrastructure, and services at various locations within India using purposive sampling methods in order to investigate the perceptions of librarians on KM and its applications in academic libraries. The university librarians of these universities were selected as respondents. However, in the absence of a university librarian an official up to the rank of assistant librarian was allowed to participate in the survey. A total of 30 questionnaires were delivered by post, of which only 15 were returned (50% response rate). The libraries which participated in the study were from nine different states of the country, four from Uttar Pradesh, four from Delhi, one each from Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Kerala, Chhattisgarh, Manipur, Mizoram, and Meghalaya, spread over a distance of 4000 km, and serve an extended community of users but are still very different libraries in terms of staff, users etc. The data for the present study was collected during Jun. to Dec. 2011. As it was not a large amount of data, data analysis was done by simple frequency counting and presented in tables.

The details of the libraries participating in the study are shown in Table 9.1. Column A gives the name of the University. Column B lists the years when each university and its library were established. Column C provides an indication of the relative size of each library based on total collections. Column D indicates the total number of sanctioned posts and the number of staff currently working in the participating libraries.

Table 9.1. List of participating libraries (N = 15)

7.5 Reflective Journals and Diaries

Using reflective logs or participant diaries is more of a qualitative research method than a tool for performance measurement of libraries. However, they should still be considered when looking at qualitative methods for performance measurement as they are useful for confirming and validating data retrieved from other methods. That is they can provide anecdotal evidence of the findings of surveys or usage statistics, or further discussion to add to the findings of a focus group. As both a research method and a performance measure reflective diaries and logs come in for quite a lot of criticism. Slater (1990) regards them as recorded self-observations and as such suggests that they are too subjective to be effective. However, in her book Research Methods in Information Pickard suggest that they are unfortunately, largely overlooked and argues that they can be of use by offering insight into the behaviour, feelings, and thoughts of those taking part (Pickard, 2006, p. 211). They have recently become a more accepted method within user experience initiatives in libraries and this is elaborated upon in a later section.

Introduction

Ethnography is the systematic study of culture. Ethnography is an inductive, qualitative research method, in which the researcher, or ethnographer, immerses himself or herself into the field (the social reality of the subjects of investigation) to study and describe local culture. Typically, the ethnographer uses two main techniques to collect data—participant observation, which is recorded in the form of field notes, and in-depth, or ethnographic, interviews. Ethnographic data can also be collected from historical records and artifacts, journals, and other written material. Ethnographic data are usually, but not necessarily, derived from the process of ethnography and are characterized by thick description, a term coined by Clifford Geertz in 1973 to describe rich, layered descriptions of the field. The way in which ethnographic data are presented is not, however, limited to the written form; photographs, films, audio recordings, and poetry have been used to render local settings ethnographically. It is impossible to distinguish between ethnographic theory and method, because data analysis is a continual process that is developed as fieldwork progresses. Thus, ethnographic methodology comprises not only the physical processes of conducting ethnography, but also the logical procedures of analysis and the presentation of data.

Recommendations for future research

Research on cultural stressors in the lives of Hispanic immigrant parents and families have employed survey and qualitative research methods with Hispanic parents, youth, and families to better understand their cultural stress experiences (Cano et al., 2015; Leon, 2014; Perreira et al., 2006). Data from these studies have informed interventions to improve the emotional and behavioral health of youth by teaching parents how to support their youth; how to strengthen their relationships with their youth; how to advocate for their youth; and how to navigate US social institutions (Cervantes, Goldbach, & Santos, 2011; Coatsworth, Pantin, & Szapocznik, 2002; Martinez, Eddy, & McClure, 2014; Martinez & Eddy, 2005). These intervention efforts are timely and needed. However, these intervention efforts put the sole burden of dealing with cultural stressors and navigating barriers on Hispanic parents and families. However, because cultural stressors and barriers Hispanic parents and families face are embedded in social institutions and systems, such as schools, over which Hispanic immigrant parents have little personnel control, we propose that additional efforts are needed that also target social institutions and their organizational structures (e.g., policies). Yet, few studies have examined how social institutions and their organizational structures and policies contribute to the cultural stress experience of Hispanic parents and families. We propose that future research needs to examine how social institutions impact the day-to-day experiences of Hispanic parents and families. Also, because we could not identify any efforts or strategies that target social institutions and their organizational structures to promote the mental and behavioral health of Hispanic parents, youth, and families, we further propose that research needs to investigate how organizational structures and policies may be altered to reduce barriers and cultural stressors for Hispanic immigrant parents and families; and to mitigate the impact of cultural stressors and barriers on the well-being of parents and their families. This may be done by making social institutions, their policies, and their processes the focus of research on the mental and behavioral health of Hispanic parents, youth, and families.

Although numerous studies have documented the various cultural stressors and barriers Hispanic immigrant parents and families can face, we know almost nothing regarding how parents and families manage these stressors and barriers. Many parents and youth experience cultural stressors and may face barriers in accessing and navigating US institutions, yet, not all parents and youth experience emotional and behavioral health problems. Understanding how parents and families successfully manage cultural stressors and barriers can provide important information about how to create community-informed programs to support recent immigrant Hispanic parents and their families (Ford-Paz, Reinhard, Kuebbeler, Contreras, & Sánchez, 2015; Jason, Keys, Suarez-Balcazar, Taylor, & Davis, 2004; Romero, 2016). As such, we propose that research is needed that documents strategies that parents and families are utilizing to manage the cultural stressors and barriers they face. In addition, we propose that research is needed that documents the kind of support and resources Hispanic immigrant parents, youth, and families would like to further develop so that efforts can address the needs of parents and families. This information could be used to develop community-informed strategies to support Hispanic immigrant parents and families, thereby reducing barriers and cultural stressors and mitigating their negative effects (Ford-Paz et al., 2015; Ramirez et al., 2017).

Studies have also documented barriers Hispanic immigrant parents can face when navigating social institutions such as social institutions such as schools, government agencies, health and mental health services (Crosnoe et al., 2012; Perreira et al., 2012; Yoshikawa et al., 2014); however, much of what we know comes from interviews and surveys with individuals working at these institutions. Thus, we know less about how parents and families experience social institutions. We propose that research on barriers among Hispanic families could also benefit from incorporating the perspectives of parents and families and examine how recent immigrant parents and families experience the organizational structures and policies of social institutions they navigate. Understanding the perspectives of Hispanic stakeholders and individuals working in social institutions can inform more comprehensive strategies to reduce barriers and cultural stressors and to mitigate their negative effects on the mental and behavioral health of immigrant parents and their families.

Historical application within libraries and information settings

The use of ethnographic methods to investigate bibliographic trends, library services, and information systems is not a recent development. What is new is the increased publicity and attention that some library research projects have attracted. Studying Students: The Undergraduate Research Project at the University of Rochester (Foster and Gibbons, 2007) is a good example of this. This project, which began in 2004, has so far produced a book of the same title, been presented at numerous conferences, and has formed the basis of a number of instructional workshops on undergraduate and faculty research behavior sponsored by the Council on Library and Information Resources (CLIR, 2010). As early as 1896, librarians were beginning to recognize that, in order to provide better library services, they needed to be far more sensitive and informed about the community and surrounding environment. Mary Cutler (1896) talked specifically about a process that would later be referred to as community analysis—suggesting that librarians be proactive in learning about their surrounding community, in order to “catch the spirit of the civic life and relate the library to the whole” (1896, p. 448). Community analysis, an activity that involves gathering a wide variety of information about the community in order to evaluate current services and plan for the future, was seen as being an “essential element of librarianship” (Sarling and Van Tassel, 1999, p. 7). A number of authors have written about the application of the community analysis within libraries, including Bone (1976), Wheeler (1924), and Carnovosky and Martin (1944).

Although community analysis is not classified as a type of qualitative or interpretive research, nor designed to produce an ethnography, the elements and activities needed to assemble the analysis have much in common with the ethnographic approach. Paying attention to everyday details in all areas of the community and formulating a sense of not just who the members are, but also context and meaning, are critical. Evans (1976) suggests that the community analysis “is as basic to library management as the physician’s diagnosis is to the practice of medicine” (1976, p. 454). Greer and Hale (1982) are well-known for developing the Community Analysis Research Institute (CARI) model, which provides an actual format for community analysis. The model provides a way to systematically collect, organize, and analyze data about the library, its users, and the community (Greer and Hale, 1982, p. 358). Sarling and Van Tassel (1999) provide this comprehensive overview of the CARI model:

The Community Analysis Research Institute (CARI) model begins with a focus on the community from four perspectives—individuals, groups, agencies and lifestyles—and incorporates both quantitative and qualitative research methods to collect a variety of data including demographic characteristics, history of the community, topographical features, transportation routes and traffic patterns, commercial activities, communication patterns, housing, education, cultural activities, health facilities, employment, recreation entertainment, and the characteristic lifestyles of the community and its sub-cultures. (1999, pp. 8, 9)

In Grace Stingly’s 1919 “Studying a Community in Order to Render Better Library Service,” Stingly detailed an ethnographic approach to learning more about the environment to improve the library’s outreach and services, and described areas for data collection and observation that closely match those described in the CARI model some 63 years later. She states, “to serve a community efficiently the librarian must know that community physically, mentally, and morally. She must know the kind of people with which she deals, the things in which they are interested, their industries, their schools, their churches, their amusements, their health conditions, their public press, their government. To do this the community must be studied” (Stingly, 1919, p. 157). Stingly then cites 18 different areas for study and observation, essentially outlining at least some of the components that one might find in an ethnography of any community:

Physical aspects of the city—Including status of roads and infrastructure, presence of any federal buildings, municipal or private utilities, presence of parks, presence of natural attractions such as lakes.

Civic organizations—Presence of civic or public improvement agencies.

Historical background of the city—Date city was founded and under what conditions, most important factors in the city’s industrial, social and political growth.

Population—Total population, percentage of foreign inhabitants, geographical distribution of the population, location of various district types (urban, suburban, working class, middle class, etc.), per cent of the total population served by the library, library’s reach into all segments of the population.

Immigrants—Including such indicators as literacy, primary industries for employment, attendance of English classes, geographical distribution for immigrant residents, participation in political process.

Industry—Businesses and manufacturers located in the city, percentage of the population employed in factories, presence of vocational training, library presence in factories and manufacturing plants (via signage, special programs, etc.), library collections relevant to local business and commerce.

Health—Presence of a board of health, publication of important health reports and communications, presence of private researchers or others who study health-related concerns, presence of disease and illness prevention educational campaigns, presence of a hospital, presence of a visiting nurse service.

Child Welfare—Presence of child welfare and related agencies, provision of materials related to child welfare, participation by local medical professionals in prevention and educational programs.

Charity—Presence of charitable organizations, cooperation of these organizations with the library for educational purposes.

Schools—Number of public schools in the area, how close the schools are to a library, presence of libraries in the schools and their condition, number of teachers in the community, public library presence in the schools through special programs, bookmobile and librarian visits, presence of vocational, parochial and private schools, presence of college, university or special libraries in the area, use of public libraries by college and university students for research.

Churches—Number of churches in the city, use of the libraries by Sunday school teachers and missionary societies, use of the libraries by ministers and other members of the clergy, use of the libraries by young people’s religious groups.

Clubs—Presence of women’s clubs, use of clubs by the library, presence of Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts and use of the library.

Newspapers—Number of newspapers published in the area, publication languages, editorial stance towards the library.

Book stores—Opportunities for private buyers, number of bookstores in the area, quality of children’s books selection.

Recreation—Presence of theater, little league, drama club, amusement parks, movie theaters, and playgrounds; library story hours at local playgrounds, local celebrations including parades and festivals, library participation in local celebrations.

Municipal government—Size of the city council, how well city council members know the library, attitude of the mayor towards the library, budget and fiscal management processes, library provision of reading materials to jails, police and fire stations.

Situation of the library—Where the library is located and impact on use.

Extension work—Impact of the library on areas outside of the local geographic boundaries.

(Stingly, 1919, pp. 158–61)

While information in each of these areas might be gathered via surveys and questionnaires, the ideal method would be active observation, over a period of time, as well as participation by the librarians on some level to provide a sense of context and meaning. The interaction of residents with each of these structures and the impacts on their lives would reveal the richest data.

The library is but one small component of today’s information environment, and the average user/consumer probably prefers more immediate access to information via the Internet. Another reason that ethnographic approaches might be even more relevant today is the growing disparate nature of information users. It is becoming increasingly difficult to categorize users and forecast the types of services, resources, and information systems they might need now and in the future; even more recent trends for predicting and categorizing user interaction behavior, such as the use of personas in interface design (Dantin, 2005) are fading. Evans (1976) alluded to this as well when he explained the usefulness of the community analysis when trying to provide services for a complex community (1976, p. 443).

Another concept rarely mentioned in the library or information science research literature, but closely related to ethnographic research, is that of naturalistic inquiry. Mellon (1986) writes, “research in library science has, for many years, meant quantitative research, an objective method of study which seeks facts and causes generalizable from one situation to another” (p. 349). “While much has been learned using these methods, the fact remains that not all questions in library science can be quantified” (p. 349). The author goes on to suggest that librarians “explore the flexibility and humanist perspective of naturalistic inquiry” (p. 349). The inherent philosophical differences between naturalistic inquiry and quantitative inquiry often lead to misunderstandings about the validity of naturalistic studies (p. 349), but Mellon cautions that these disagreements are actually born out of not understanding the naturalistic approach. Mellon (1986) clarifies the goal of naturalistic inquiry, to provide “in-depth, descriptive answers” (p. 349) to the question of social phenomenon characteristics, with the aim of “understanding the phenomenon rather than controlling it” (p. 350).

Klopfer (2004) also addresses the role of ethnography in library research, and stresses the importance of looking at the library within the context of the community, stating that “library studies would benefit from broader ethnographic research that places libraries in communities and societies” (2004, p. 106). Klopfer defines library-related ethnography as “an approach that takes into account the holistic, systematic nature of institutions, and one that explores meaning within a social structure. Locating meaning within a special structure is particularly important in order to avoid the risk of a vaguely “cultural” study that, having no context, easily falls into essentialist, teleological pseudo-explanations along the lines of ‘they do it because it is their culture’ “ (Klopfer, 2004, p. 106).